Chapter 1
Traces of life in the Neolithic age: examination of the archeological material. – the Tyrrhenian place name Aletriom and its etomology.-The Aletrini in the historic testimony of Pliny. – Homonymities.
Calitrisits atop a verdant, isolated, sugar-loaf shaped mountainthat rises like a cone out of the earth and, from this vantage point, overlooks a large part of the upper course of the Ofanto, a river that was once the setting of bitter and bloody struggles. The High Ofantine Valley presents a varied aspect. Its large number of picturesque views, the green of its fields, and its steep mountain slopes, which from time to time change into pleasant, cultivated hillocks, have always attracted the people of the Mediterranean basin, who migrated from southern Europe into the peninsula while following the course of the rivers. Given the present state of Paleolithic and Neolithic studies, the identity of the people who first inhabited the High Ofantine Valley, whether they were the so-called Mediterranean people or others, hasn’t been established. On the other hand, the earliest stages of any civilization are usually either unknown or wrapped in myth or in legendary traditions. Nicolucci[1], — who studied the Stone Age in southern Italy at length — essentially affirmed this by saying that: «in the age of polished stones [the Neolithic age] there was no corner of our land that was uninhabited.»[2] In addition, in the high Ofantine valley and on its surrounding mountains, there existed a few primitive, nuclear families that, being true troglodytes [cave people], made a comfortable home in the natural tuff[3] that was abundant in that territory, and, above all, on the mountain on which, afterwards, the abitato [residential area] of Calitri developed. In fact, the mountain on which Calitri sits is completely honeycombed with caves and is a maze of natural grottos of every shape and size that man — throughout the centuries — has modified, adapting them to his many needs. Those who are most indigent still use these caves as homes, and others still use them for cellars, wine vats, woodsheds, warehouses, barns, etc. The nature of the subsoil facilitated the development of the caverns in this mountain, a subsoil that was «made of sandstone from the tertiary period, wasn’t very solid, and whose compactness was due more to the pressure exerted by the upper strata on the lower strata than to cement-like substances…. This bank of sandstone rests on a bank of clay. »[4] Some natural caves, which are commonly known in dialect as gruttuni [large grottos], remain at the base of the mountain on which the abitato was extended to the north northwest. There are caverns in other areas very near Calitri, such as at the foot of the hill called Ripa di Mare, at Gagliano, and at serra Calvario, both on the side facing the Ofanto and along the opposite mountainside that ends at Cupa and the Cortino torrent. In these grottos and in many other localities in the territory, many Neolithic objects have been found, especially in the past, objects that indicate prehistoric habitations: knife blades, spear heads, axes, tools made of stone, wood, or bone, punches, stone utensils, poorly-fired, crude clay pots etc. Because of man’s neglect or ignorance, very few of the many Neolithic objects found have reached us. The only object that has survived is a thirty-centimeter long dagger made of smooth flint. This dagger is in a good state of preservation, is of inestimable value for those studying the Neolithic age, and has been in the Museo Irpino of Avellino since 1936.
Still today, other traces of that very remote age — be it Paleolithic or Neolithic — are encountered in a few traditional household furnishings and above all in some primitive clothing shapes, which were already used by the old, wild population when they also wrapped themselves in goat skins like fauns of old.
In fact, our herdsmen continue to wear animal skins that are roughly dressed and have all their fur. They make coats out of them with or without sleeves and with all the fur outside — called purzuni [perrezzioni = pelliccione (large fur coats)] — thigh pads, trouser legs, gaiters, hats, harnesses for pack animals, shoes and shoe laces – crosciuoli [boot laces] — and still others. And who would doubt that such simple garments have not come down to us from prehistoric times, handed down to us through long and uninterrupted traditions of primitive life from the Neolithic age? Among the many old pieces of domestic furniture, the peasants make use of rough piece of stone — la chiatta [a stone slab] on which, when it is very hot, they cook corn mush to make the so-called, very tasty pizze di granturco, [granturco = maize = Indian corn]. And what can be said about the life of the shepherds? Did the ones living outdoors near a great fire or using as homes huts made of straw wattle that are easy to take apart and transport — pannizze — not take us back, perhaps, to the times of nomad pastoral farming and to the half savage state of primitive man?
There is a final, but no less important proof. There remains from that very remote age the name Alètriom, a name that, based on the way it is formed, is certainly worth re–exploring, given that it refers back to a pre-indo European or Tyrrhenianperiod when the ethno-linguistic unity of the people of the Mediterranean basin gave rise to many toponomastic [place name], ethnic, or popular word formations in the Italic peninsula. There have not been, in fact, any people who when emigrating – and this theory is today acknowledged by everyone – have not brought with them and localized in their new locations those names belonging to its own race and language. The people move and others supercede them, but the geographic names remain, having been unconsciously transmitted from one people to another. This has been shown by the geographical homonymy itself, that is, the resemblance or scientifically proved affinity between the names of cities, of mountains, and of rivers historically belonging to people of various races, origins, and different languages. Therefore, the affinity cannot be explained except by the theory that those localities were prehistorically occupied by a single people who then, in later and historic ages, went on to occupy other regions.
Following this path, which was indicated by modern investigation, I have tried to go back to the historic origin of Calitri by studying the name Alètriom both in its most ancient form and in its suffix. The name, as one can easily see, is of Tyrrhenian origin, both in form and accent. The characteristic suffix tri (om) is the same name that appears in purely Etruscan place names, like Velletri, Sutri, Cervetri, Arcetri, Giannutri, and Rivodutri. Must one, perhaps, conclude from this that, historically, there were Etruscans even in the Irpinia, as there were already in the Campania, from the Eighth Century to the Fifth Century B. C.? It is likely that that the Etruscans — who were notoriously hetero-glottal[5] — had penetrated into the inaccessible mountainous regions, like those of the high valley of the Ofanto in the Irpinia. The authority Ettore Pais[6], noticing the similarity of the names, explicitly confirms it «Even the name Aletrium (Alatri), which is on a par with the modern name of the more southern Calitri, in the Sannio [Irpino], seems to bear Etruscan characteristics.»[7] However, the toponomastic [place name] agreement of the most ancient geographic names in southern and central-north Italy extend to areas and geographic zones where the Etruscans never lived, as, for example – to stay within names having the same Tyrrhenean suffix – Atri and Pollutri in the Abruzzi, Nutri in Calabria, Vietri in Lucania, Voltri and Sestri in Liguria, and Mutri [Cusano] in the province of Benevento. In light of the many parallelisms and homonymities of very distant localities, as well as in the equal and constant basis for the formation of the name, how can one not see the coexistence of an ethno-linguistic substrate that is common to all the people who inhabit the peninsula during a very remote pre-indo-European age?
It appears, therefore, evident that all the toponomastic agreements are due necessarily both to pre-existing glottical continuity and to the conservation of the onomastic [the names themselves] precedents and of the ethnic substrate. Moreover, when one superimposes other people of different races and languages, many pre-existing place names are frozen in their traditional forms, while others become extinct. Moreover, the Irpinian Aletriom derives, precisely, from and ethno-linguistic substrate that is common to the whole peninsula, including Etruria,[8] a pre-indo-European or Tyrrhenian lingual substrate of the Neolithic age.
The primitive form of the place-name was ‘Alatriom, which had the initial Tyrrhenian – Etruscan accent. After the weakening of the a into the e in the subsequent syllables — which was not open among the Italici,[9]who inherited its country and its name, – it was the Alètriom form that prevailed.
The question now immediately arises: what is the etymology of such a name? It is not easy to answer this legitimate question completely. Even the learned De-Vit[10] himself believed that the etymology of Calitri is uncertain. Still, let us try to interpret the conclusions that linguistic research has reached: the name Alètriom consists of two formative elements: Ale + triom, that is, it consists of the prefix ale or ala, which has a specific meaning, and of the generic suffix triom. In the modern state of glottological [linguistic] studies, the exact meaning of the prefix is not authoritatively known, which — in the judgment of Kerbaker and Ribezzo[11] — does not correspond to any significant pre-indo-European word, and, therefore, I will not propose any etymological conjecture. Better noted is the suffix tri(om), which is a characteristic Tyrrhenian-Etruscan place name suffix that means, generically, locality, site, district etc. The prefix ale (ala) must have, undoubtedly, had a specific, particular meaning of — I would say — a local character, which is, however, unknown to us.
Given the state of linguistic studies, nothing else can be determined, except that the name Alétriom is of Tyrrhenian origin and took on the Greek structure of Alètrion which was handed down to us from Strabone,[12] through the inflectional and phonetic alteration that the Italioti[13] gave to it in the fifth and fourth century B.C, because of that natural tendency to assimilate preexisting names and associate them with the fashions and forms of their own geographic nomenclature. In this manner, under the action of new historic, geographic, and ethnographic factors of the fifth and fourth century B.C., the pre-indo-European place name came to be individualized and developed – while conserving the initial sweet spirit and the ending – into a name very much akin to the pre-existing one, but of an inflection that is purely and typically Greek. From this, many are lead to believe it not even to be a Tyhrennean substrate of the Neolithic age – that is, the remnant of a variety of inflection that is much older and geographically more extensive – but, instead, they believe it to be a toponomastic form of a purely Greek nature.
Today, in the face of new studies on the original Tyrhennian unity in Italian place names, one is forced to modify such rudimentary historic-linguistic intuition, although accepting its reference to Alétrion in the Italiot[14] period. And there is impeccable confirmation stemming from the unearthing of numerous clay vases in the territory of Calitri, which vases provide very precious chronological dates.
Some types of clay vases
In August 1913, the learned Professor Anselmo De Simone, director of the R. Scuola di ceramica [Royal school of ceramics] in Grottaglie, who examined such clay vases on site, wrote: «The objects that have been unearthed have given me an excellent opportunity to confirm my research and allow me to continue to believe that the city of Calitri began as an Italiot colony on the Adriatic side between the fourth and third century B.C. and the first and second century of the Christian era. The clay vases demonstrate this because, despite their poor state of preservation, they are of that epoch…»
Nothing else remains of the Italiot period; however, the Roman period is richer, because of the explicit and authoritative testimony of Pliny the Elder (23-79 A.D.) concerning the presence of the Aletrini in the Irpinia. And so, Pliny ¾ in listing the population of Italy according to the division made by Augustus at a time that the Irpini were detached from the other Sanniti [15]and added to the second Region — writes in book III, ii: «in the second region, there is an Hirpinoruom colony… Aeclani, Aquilioni, Abellinates… Compsani… Aletrini….»
This is the great testimony of Pliny; neither is anything else known from the old historic sources. There are only a few short notes from a few modern historians, without however their having critically investigated a few positive, archeological, or topographical elements, in order to identify their location and in order to reconstruct their historical events. Romanelli notes:«The Aletrini are numbered among the people mentioned by Pliny in the list of the Irpini peoples: The capital must be called Aletrium; we cannot separate the place from the topography that has been assigned this city by Signor Cassitto: He has pointed out specifically that Aletrium corresponds today to Calitri.»[16] More profoundly and authoritatively Corcia who, recognizing only one purely phonetic difference between Aletrium and Caletrum — as he will amply demonstrate in the following — reduces the question to its true terms and writes: «Among the other people of the Irpina Region, Pliny remembers the Aletrini, whose fortified city had to be called Aletrium, and has recognized in it the site of modern day Calitriand which is not far from Cairano… and perhaps the difference between Aletrum and Caletrum is only to be ascribed just to the pronunciation.[17] At first glance, doubt could be raised in the finding of a certain graphic resemblance between the Aletrium of Irpino and Alatrium (Alatri) in Ernici[18]. How does one explain such identity? By the same standards as the other homonymities. This is not the only case in which place names, which recur in different and often widely separated regions, are identical both in their roots and in their suffixes. Such perfect synchronicity of the two morphemes increasingly confirms the thesis supported here that, that is, the elements – which form the two names – had, in very remote times, a common ethno-linguistic substrate in the two localities; however, although, the Aletrium of the Irpini seems identical to the Alatrium of the Ernici, a marked difference between them is noted. The primitive form – as has been said – was ‘Alatriom with the accent on the initial syllable, but, afterwards, with the weakening of the a into e that is placed in the following syllable, the word froze into Alètriom: such weakening took place only among the Irpini giving way to Aletrium; instead, among the Ernici, the word kept the primitive form with just the movement of the accent, and one had Alàtrium. This parallelism is sufficient in itself to understand the true reason and the range of the agreement of the place names. But there is more: the two place names are clearly distinguished in the names of the inhabitants of the two diverse localities: the citizens of Alatrium in the Ernini call themselves Alatrinates; those in the Irpino call themselves Aletrini, as one reads in Pliny. The distinction is clear.
[1] Giustiniano Nicolucci – Giustiniano Nicolucci was born at Isola del Liri on March 12, 1819, into a well-off family. He attended the Tulliano College at Arpino, where he performed classical and scientific studies. At the University of Naples, he began his medical education, but he also acquired a deeper knowledge of the Italian language and the ancient classics, and studied philosophy and foreign languages. In 1845, soon after his degree in Medicine, he presented the results of a microscopic research to the 7th Congress of the Italian Scientists, which was held in Naples.
[2] . G. Nicolucci, The stone age in the Neapolitan provinces, in «Report of the Academy of the Sciences», Naples, March 10, 1872. Cfr, also P. Penta Prehistoric man in the Neolithic age in the province of Avellino, in «Nuova Revista» Napoli, issue No. I (1893)
[3] The generic name of tuff (fine tuff or coarse tuff) is given to a rock formed by particles the size of ash.
[4] A. Solimene, Official report on the Irpino earthquake of June 7, 1910, in the Periodico dei Pompiere [Fireman’s magazine] «Coraggio e previdenza» [Courage and foresight], Naples, 1910, Issues. 12 –13.
[5] This refers to Heteroglossia which is the conflict between official and unofficial discourses within the same national language.
[6] Pais was a historian who specialized in ancient history.
[7] E. Pais, History of ancient Italy, Rome, 1925 Volume I page 200.
[8] The land of the Etruscans.
[9]The collection of ancient peoples of central-southern Italy with the exception of Latins, Greeks, Messapians, and Etruscans.
[10] Vincenzo de Vit – Latinist, b. at Mestrina, near Padua, 10 July, 1810; d. at Domo d’Ossola, 17 Aug., 1892. He studied at Padua, was ordained priest in 1836, in 1844 became librarian of the Academia dei Concordi at Rovigo and canon of the cathedral.
[11]This judgment was given to me, verbally, by Doctor Professor M. Kerbaker – who was my illustrious professor at the University of Napoli – and in a letter (which I kept) from Professor F. Ribezzo, his successor in the chair of Linguistics, at that university.
[12] Strabone was a Greek historian and geographer.
[13] The name of the Greek colonies in Italy.
[14] Related to the Greek immigrant population, beginning frim the fifth century in Italy.
[15] A people of ancient Samnium in central Italy who spoke the Oscan language.
[16] D. Romanelli, Ancient historical topography of the kingdom of Naples, Naples, 1818, Volume III, page 352. He mentioned Federico Cassito (1776 – 1853) of Bonito, a scholar of Irpine Antiquity.
[17] N. Corcia, History of the two Sicilies, Naples, 1848, Volume II, Page 527
[18] In the area around Rome.
Chapter 2
The oppidum[1] of the Aletrini: constructive and survival technique of a place name – Abundance of archeological material – Examination of a passage from Livio [Livy] – Phonetic alteration of Aletrium.
ALTHOUGH the historical origin of the gens[2]of the Aletrini remains obscure, the search for the geographical site is less so, if, while searching, we carefully examine the archaeological material along with the historical testimony and local place names. We must also carefully examine the customs of the social system that existed at that time. It is well known, in fact, that the very old Italic populations –who were all engaged in either sheep herding or agriculture – lived in family groups or in communities that constituted a vicus [village] or a pagus [town] or gens. This was done in order to defend themselves from the aborigines and from the primitive invaders that overlapped with the neolithic people. These groups or communities chose a high place for a center — oppidum — that offered them a secure refuge in case of attack. The town was also used for religious rites, for the administration of justice, and for the exchange of goods and products of the soil. Tito Livio [Livy] (book IX, 13 and 18), when speaking of the Sannito – Irpini area, says that they lived in Castella et vici[strongholds and villages] in montibus vicatim habitantes,[mountain villages], and the duci romani [roman leaders], when bringing war to these people, prowled per agros vicatim circumferentes bellum [through village fields they carried out war]. In addition, even though they did not follow the technically established criteria for the construction of the oppida ¾ because they had to adapt the art of the oppida to the needs and the nature of the place ¾ wherever possible, the small forts were generally constructed atop steep mountains. The inaccessibility of a mountain was in itself a certain means of defense. Such forts — which Virgil already celebrated in the Georgiche[3] as one of the characteristic traits of Italy, — corresponded to the nature of the peninsula itself, which was crossed by mountain chains and in which a natural defense could be easily enhanced with the hard work and skill of men.
The Aletrini picked the top of a steep and isolated mountain on the extreme edge of the Irpino area of the Apennines. This mountain commanded the Upper valley of the Ofanto, constituted a forward lookout onto the plain of Puglia, and was very well adapted for defense and fortification. The northwest side of the mountain consisted of a steep tuffaceous wall about seventy meters high, while, on the opposite mountainside, there was a steep hill that was somewhat treacherous for whomever wanted to secretly assail it. There is evidence that proves that – in very remote times – there was an oppidum on that peak, an oppidum that was in fact a fortress. This evidence consists of: the tectonics of the mountain, the few surviving ruins,[4] a few remaining place names, and the unearthing of weapons, clay vases, and other utensils.
In addition to these few pieces of construction technique data that identify the type of Roman oppidum, there is added another, more important positive source, and that is the place name or, even better, the survival of some Latin names that kept their form and ethno-geographic meaning. Thus, along the northern slope of the mountain there is a site still called by its Latin name of Posterla (postuerla, small door, secret path to a fortress). If it is true that respondent nomina rebus [the thing responds to its name], the word Posterla that is given to a site at the habitat leads one to believe that a small door to the fort existed there. Therefore, there had to be other, larger doors that connected the oppidum with the «pagi» [towns] or the «vici»[villages] spread out over the countryside. There is, finally, additional proof that is no less important for its historical and technical value. This proof is the uninterrupted continuity of the castle that has existed through the centuries. When the various foreign and italic dominations that followed each other in the governing of the region found on that mountain a preexisting, small fort and conditions favorable to defense, they continued to use it, to reinforce it, and to render it efficient in accordance with the military techniques of the times and the needs of the dominators.
The oppidum was therefore the nucleus that united the Aletrini, who were spread out over the vast territory and were dedicated to farming and herding. Proof that our countryside was inhabited by nuclear families exists also in the fact that ¾ in many localities ¾ money, metallic statuettes, clay vases of every kind, weapons, helmets, small scrapers, arrowheads, etc. have been found while plowing. In addition, the hoe has unearthed crude burial tombs. These tombs, which were made from large tiles, contained lachrymatory vases,[5] crude metallic rings, an assortment of plates and other tableware that are similar to the vases found in other parts of the Irpinia. Moreover, these objects and tombs were found not only in some isolated localities of Calitri, but wherever la scatena [dialect for tilling of the soil] was done — from north to south and from east to west of the vast territory. For example, they have been found at Tufiello, at Chiana dei Tauri, at Vetrano, on the coasts of Colaianca, at Castiglione, at Le Serre, at Santa Maria in Elce, at S. Zaccaria, etc.; and in localities near the Oppidum, such as at Fontana dei Monaci, at Carcatondo, at Savuco, at Pittole, at Gagliano, at poggio di S. Sofia, and finally on the colle di S. benedetto, at Cascina, at the Fornaci, and at many other sites.
Still today, one only has to sink a hoe or a plowshare into the earth in order to find tomb fragments and terracotta. And, if remnants of a civilization across two millennia still come to light, who knows how many objects were found in the past, and are today lost to archaeological examination! A few decades ago, in the Tufiello district [this is not far from Calitri], ten meters from the Casone [country house,] there was found a very beautiful bronze statuette showing Ercole [Hercules] in that act of repose with his right hand on a club that was leaning on the ground, and ¾ in his left arm ¾ the skin of the lion Nemean[6], whose head can clearly be seen.
One can conclude, then, that there has not been a farmer who has not found one or more coins, which, if they had been kept, could have truly constituted a copious Campano-Romano coin collection. However, everything was dispersed. The numerous coins — which I examined[7] — were made mainly of silver and bronze ¾ very few were made of gold (obrusium-pure) ¾ are of various types, and their mintage goes from the early days of the Roman Republic up to almost the fall of the Western Empire. The discovery of such a number of coins in different and opposed localities of the territory leads one to believe that the Aletrini lived spread throughout the countryside, dedicated to farm work, and they had traffic with Rome and with the Campania, as well as with Apulia, as is proved by the finding of some coins of Luceria, which continued to have a mint of its own even after it fell under the domination of Rome.
Further archaeological proof comes from two funeral inscriptions, which were found in the countryside of Calitri, that Mommsen[8] reports in his famous collection.[9] The first is of calcareous stone, with a headpiece and triangular border; in the lower part it has a base or support; and measures 81x 54 cm.[10]:
| Picture of a TombstoneInscribed in latin |
Sepulchral epigraph
- M.
APOLLONIO
(hasta) SECVNDIANV (Culter)
S. FILIO . MEMO
RIA. B. M. F.
[To the hands of the Gods – to the son Apollonio – Most excellent – Secondiano – In memoriam]
The other sepulchral epigraph, which measures 162 x 54 centimeters, was found among the ruins of the Abbey of Santa Maria in Elce, where it was used as a gable for the small door of the church. Having been removed from there, it was lost or used for something else. One reads there the following inscription:
D.M.
SECVNDIANO
VRSVLVS. PATRI
BENEMERENTI
FECIT
[“Into the hands of God, Secondiano, most excellent, from his son Ursolo ]
What chronology can be assigned to the above cited funeral epigraphs? No chronologically certain date may be deduced from the archaeological examination of the two inscriptions; and Mommsen himself was not able to establish anything else except that they were found in the agro [countryside]of Calitri and that they critically belong to the roman era. From a comparison of the two inscriptions, it is deduced that they belong to the same family, and the Secondiano had two children, Apollonio and Ursolo; the first predeceased the father, who erected a funeral monument for him with the above-cited epigraph. When, Secondiano died, his son Ursolo erected a funeral monument for him with an identical inscription. Finally, the two weapons sculpted at the side of the name Secundianus — a hasta (asta, lance) and a culter (Coltello, [knife] pugnale [dagger]) – lead one to believe that Secondiano was a military chief, an hastatus (armed with a lance[the Hastati were in the first line of battle, and were armed with a spear]). In addition, it will not surprise anyone that the two inscriptions have been found in a place so remote from the oppidum of the Aletrini. These people occupied a vast territory spread with villae [villas] and cottages. In addition, the Secondiano family had been buried in its country property.
This is the meager archaeological material, which is an eloquent witness of remote times, such as has become known from casual excavations and searches. But has anyone who has used the scientific method to explore our campagna, especially the subsoil, ever doubted that the ruins of old buildings and the ruins of other construction have been upset because of floods, landslides, and the movements of the earth? I do not believe that one must necessarily find ruins of classical antiquity, but how do I assert the contrary, if archaeological excavations and searches are missing? Certainly, some work implements that are identical in structure and use to those employed in Roman times were used in Calitri, and these work implements were certainly handed down by long, uninterrupted tradition. Among many other things, the wheel that pottery industry still uses in the working of clay is worth remembering. This wheel harks back to the well-known lines of Horace:
Amphora coepit
Istititui: Currene ruota, cur urceus exit?[11]
There is more. There still remains in Calitri, one of the most characteristic types of old businesses — taberna [the shop] — with the traditional fittings for retail sale, which is overall similar to the tabernae found in the excavations at Pompei. They were businesses or shops for the sale of oil (tabernae oleariae), of meat (macellariae) [butcher shops], of wine (vinariae or Cauponae), of fruit (pomariae), of bread (pistoriae) etc. The façade of the taberna consisted of a large squared off door, with a masonry or limestone counter for selling the goods. This counter was built in the opening of the entrance; and there, outside the business, the sales were conducted. For the comfort of the clientele, an outside canopy protected them from the gioggia (pioggia) [rain] and the sun. Today, in Calitri, there are two examples, while, up to a few decades ago, five or six were seen. Such a form of business, which refers us to a long, uninterrupted tradition in the long ago times of Rome, is commonly called [in Calitrano] trappa, a name that derives from the Greek τράπεξα = table on which things are set out for sale, and also cibo, mensa. [food, table]. How big a page of history is there also in the name of trappa itself!
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Because of the scarcity of historic sources, one cannot know anything about the life of the Aletrini, such as their political and social events during the long Roman domination. In order to investigate that, it is necessary to refer to the history of Conza, which was the seat of government for a vast political – administrative district. In addition, Conza, which in the second Punic War, had offered Rome a contribution of money and soldiers that was greater than any of the other cities, because the betrayal of Stazio Trebio [head of the anti-roman party] opened the doors to Hannibal, after the battle of Canne (216 B. C.). The Carthaginians, who occupied Conza, left behind a large garrison, entrusting the command of the city to Hannibal’s brother Magone, with the mandate to occupy the rebel cities of the Romans and use that force to deal with those who still offer resistance.[12]
Type of business in the Roman age.
Conza, then, was the first Italic city to go over to the side of the Carthaginians; but because of this voluntary surrender to Hannibal, the upper Irpinia was no longer secure: From the Lucan border it was assailed by Tiberio Longo, while the pretorio[13]Marco Valerio, from Campania, forcing the defense lines, expunged three Irpinian castles, et ex Hirpinis oppida tria, quae a populo Romano defecerant, vi recepta per Marcum Valerium praetrorem. Tito Livio [Livy]omits the names of the three oppida that are preoccupied with forces by the Romans, nor can one determine the location because of the lack of other historical sources. One can only believe, through intuition, that around Conza –metropolises of the upper Irpinia and keys to the Apennine passage to Puglia – they raised some forts – oppida – that were necessary for its defense, which forts were built on the surrounding high ground in order to give warning of the advance of the enemy. Moreover, the oppidum of the Aletrini, because it dominated the upper and middle course of the Ofanto, was precisely one of those vigilant sentries, so much so that the oppidum of the Aletrini, because of its location at the edge of the Irpinia, would explain the complaint that the Irpini made to Hannibal for having suffered the Roman invasion in totis finibus, without being able effectively to defend themselves, because all the youth of the Irpinia have been — as Livy XXIII, 42, 43 states — incorporated into the Carthaginian army.
* *
There is a final question on the place name Aletrium: For what phonetic or flexional reason did such a name change into Caletrum and during what period was such alteration able to take place? Corcia[14] had already sensed the genetic reason for it when he wrote that «the difference between Aletrium and Caletrum is only to be ascribed to its pronunciation.» And quite rightly: among the intrinsic causes that influence the alteration of a word, the principal cause is that of phonetic customs; again today, from the way in which the common national language is spoken, we easily distinguish the Italians from the various regions, out of whose mouth the language takes on an almost different physiognomy. And that corresponds to an intrinsic natural law, because every people has its particular sound inflection, so that they cannot pronounce words and connections that are not proper to them, therefore they transform them unconsciously in order to adapt them to their glottis, to their particular form of pronunciation. In particular, with respect to our question, the people of the Mezzogiorno, either because of the shape of the glottis or for other phonetic reasons — which is not the case to be investigated — placed a strong aspiration on the words beginning with a or u, on which falls the tonic accent, which, because of the influence of phonetic prostheses[15], becomes a true and proper explosive guttural, unvoiced or voiced, c g. For example, one hears cardere or gardere pronounced instead of ardere, gungere instead of ungere, gotto instead of otto, and so on for many other examples. An identical process takes place in the place name Aletrium, which for the particular pronunciation of the people is slowly transformed into Caletrum. Such phonic changing was not artificial, but was a spontaneous product, a process of slow, unconscious, transformation on the lips of the people, slowly the Latin, altering itself, moves away from the classic form. There is still more. Because of the metaphonic [vowel mutation] action of the weakening of the atonal i into the open e, one had first the Caletreum form — as is referred to by Mazella,[16] and afterwards, because of the characteristic fall of the first atonal element of the final diphthong eu, it is pronounced and remains all in all Caletrum. This conjecture on the phonetic prosthesis was submitted by me to the authoritative judgment of the teacher of philology Michele Kerbaker (1836 –1914), who validated it, giving further evidence of it with many examples that his glottological research suggested to him. After all, there is no lack of place names in southern Italy that have suffered the same prosthesis: Amastra – of which Silio Italico [Tibirius Catius Silius Italicus] XV, 267 speaks — was changed into Camastra (province of Agrigento); Aulon, an old city of the Bruzii, was transformed into Caulone (mountains) and into Caulonia, a little city in the province of Reggio Calabria.
It is more difficult to respond to the second question: when did such a phonetic and graphic transformation take place? Lacking concrete proof and — I would say — historic proof, it is not possible to determine the precise time when the new form prevailed. One must not forget that, in the phonetic and flectional transformation of a language, the moment, or as they say cogliere l’attimo fuggente[to capture the fleeting moment], that determines the passage from one form to the other cannot be established. Certainly, one knows that the new form Caletrum, with the initial aspirate, was already predominant and came into common use at the time of the compilation of that important diplomatic feudal document of the late middle ages, which document is the Catalogo dei baroni [catalog of the barons] and which document was transcribed, at least in the form that reached us, in the spring of 1140, in the judgment of Doctor De Petra. In it, one finds recorded, for the first time, Caletrum. The alteration, therefore, could have happened between the fall of the Roman Empire of the west and the tenth or eleventh century, as, slowly, that is as classical Latin was being transformed.
One observes how, in this slow transformation of the Plinian place name Alètrium, the part essential for the phonology has not suffered any modification: the tonic accent, which is like the soul of the word, — anima vocis as the grammarians say, — has not moved at all, while a new element, however accidental, was added for a prosthesis to the name, and the accent had always a very large effect on the conservation or on the transformation of the various sounds in a word.
[1][1]Oppidum [plural: Oppida] A large, complex settlement, usually fortified, that developed across Celtic Europe in the 2nd and 1st centuries BC. They were central areas involved in long-distance trade, specialized craft production, sometimes minting of coinage, and tribal administration. Julius Caesar found that each Gaulish tribe had several oppida, though not all were of equal importance. Oppida were superseded by planned Romanized towns.
[2] In ancient Rome, a gens was a group of families belonging to a single parental line.
[3] A poem dealing with agriculture.
[4] In the «Torre»[tower] district, which constituted the peripheral part of the oppidum, one could see part of a building sticking out up until the earthquake of 1910 — and then the building was partly demolished. This building whose construction technique was formed from irregular, roughly squared blocks, with a slight faceting of the exposed plane, which characterizes precisely a non-homogenous and slightly evolved construction. While squaring the boulders, they tried as much as possible to save the natural dimensions of these boulders, even at the cost of some gaps in the faces, in the sides, and at the corners.
[5] These are small vessels made of glass, terracotta, or alabaster, and have the shape of a vial with a widened base. These vials were used to keep unguents and perfumes in the roman and Christian tombs.
[6]The first labor for the hero Hercules was to rid the Nemean plain of the wild, enormous and extremely ferocious beast known as the Nemean Lion. This huge creature was the son of the monsters Typhon (who had 100 heads) and Echidna (half maiden – half serpent), and brother of the Theban Sphinx, in some legends it is said that the Nemean lion was suckled by Selene the goddess of the moon, other versions say that it was nursed by the goddess Hera.
[7] I allude to the large collection of over 170 coins, almost all of silver, that were found in an amphora, in 1892, in the Pittole district, and which are the property of Dr. B. Melaccio.
[8] Mommsen, Theodor , 1817–1903, German historian
[9] Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Vol. X, Page 88, 91, N. 987 and 992.
[10]It was found in 1822 in the territory of Calitri, in the Bugianiello district, north of the run down abbey of S. Maria in Elce.
[11] A vase is begun; why, as the wheel goes round, does it turn out a pitcher?
[12] Livy, XXIII, i : «… Hannibal, praeda omni atque impedimenti relictis, esercitu partio, Magonem regonis eius urbes aut deficentes a Romanis accipere aut detractions cogere ad defectionem iubet.» There Hannibal left all his booty and his baggage, and then forming his army into two divisions, gave Mago the command of one and retained the other himself. He gave Mago instructions to receive the submission of the cities in the district which were revolting from Rome and to compel those which were hanging back to revolt, whilst he himself marched through the Campanian district towards the Lower Sea with the view of attacking Neapolis so that he might have a city accessible from the sea.
[13] This is a member of a separate military organization that is not controlled by the state and serve as bodyguards to a sovereign or dictator.
[14] Nicola Corcia, Neapolitan Historian
[15] This is the addition of a vowel, a consonant or a syllable at the beginning of a word for euphonic reasons.
[16] S. Mazzella, Description of the kingdom of Naples with the sites etc, Napoli, 1601, page 112
Chapter 3
Calitri in the gastaldato of Conza, during the Lombard domination. – Moving of the body of the bishop Saint Canion. – Examination of the tradition in the local place name. – Historic investigation of Canion and his martyrdom. Iconography.
From the decline of the Western Roman Empire, that is from the fifth century on, the history of Caletrum, which rose again to new life, was intimately connected to and dependent upon the history of Conza, which — between the complete social–political dissolution of Rome and the new forms of government imposed by barbarians — was able to keep its own original importance in the extensive and perfect rhythm of that medieval age. Situated at the southern border of the Apennine-Irpinio rialto[1], Conza was at the crossroads of the upper valley of the Ofanto and was extremely important both strategically and commercially. In this valley, which was quite rightly reputed to be a vast, well-entrenched encampment, one was secure from any surprise, since the surrounding mountains were well equipped with impregnable castles. Moreover, using the numerous passes, one could attack the neighboring regions and prevent the easy and rapid movement of enemy troops and equipment. Therefore, Conza — Compsa — wasn’t able to escape the domination of the Goths, who occupied it along with its castles in about the year 524 and who, after a long siege, ended up surrendering it to the victorious armies of the Byzantines of Narsete (555). In addition, because it was not unknown to the Goths and the Byzantines, it thus attracted the attention of the Longobardi [Lombards] who ¾ moving from Benevento in 591 ¾ penetrated the upper valley of the Ofanto, recaptured Conza from the imperial armies, and chose it as the capitol of a large gastaldato (an administrative district): G. Fortunato[2] wrote :«The whole circle of the Apennines, from San Fele[3] to Teora[4] and the whole Formicoso plateau, from Andretta to Bisaccia, were included within the gastaldato of Conza.» Within this vast political-administrative district rose the Castle of Calitri – Castrum Calitri – which, because of its location dominating a long stretch of the upper course of the Ofanto all the way up to the offshoots of the Vulture, vigilantly guarded the Appulo-Lucano border.
Nothing out of the ordinary is revealed from the few contemporary sources that tell of the long Lombard domination in Calitri, whose few historic events, because of lack of documentation and physical remnants of that era, remain as if they were wrapped in the thick darkness of the middle ages. In addition, it is not difficult to understand the reasons for it, if one considers that because of the limited political and social importance of the castrum, the civil and administrative life of that village or — to use a Manzonian expression — of that “molehill of huts that arose at the foot of the castle.[5]” was also limited. However, where we lack history, we still have tradition, at whose base is always hidden an event of long ago, which event is transformed or embellished by the imagination of that great poet that is the people. History itself, when duly taking into account all the manifestations of the spirit of a people, cannot not also learn from traditions that have remained or have been passed down from age to age in song and story. These traditions, however, need to be interpreted and revived: Manzoni observes, «chi non le aiuta, da sè dicon sempre troppo poco [who does not help them, by themselves they always say too little].»[6] Such traditions, then, acquire greater prominence when they refer to religious feeling, which feeling has then considerable moral value for the people. In addition, one tradition in particular, which is very wide spread among the people, has been passed down to us over the centuries. The tradition states that a pious party – while transporting the body of the Saint Bishop Canion from Atella of the Campania to Acerenza and accomplshing the trip in small stages, as the length of the walk and the impassable nature of the place demanded – passed through the immediate vicinity of Calitri, where they stopped, attracted by the festive and uninterrupted sound of the bells. The religious community of Calitri, seeing in that spontaneous sound the sign of a revelation, wanted to adopt the saint bishop as their patron, whose phalanx of a finger they retained as an acknowledgement of such an amazing event. This is what the pious tradition states, a tradition that – without specifying either the time or the persons involved – we Calitrani have, many times, heard from the lips of our mothers, who told it with the fervor of faith and with the certainty that it was historically accurate. This tradition is still alive in our people.
What brings such a tradition to mind, albeit embellished by the imagination of a people who have handed it down to us for many generations? Undoubtedly, at the basis of such a tradition, there is hidden a page of history with a specific time and person and which historical page is stripped of any legendary embellishment. It is historically certain that the Archbishop of Acerenza, Leone, having learned that ¾ at Altello della Campania ¾ «the body of Saint Canio was being treated irreverently and without any veneration»,[7] went to Altello in 799 with a party of pious persons and, in the fervor of his apostolic ministry, exhumed the holy body and led it in a procession to Acerenza, where he proclaimed it the patron of the Lucan city. The move took place during the domination of the Lombards, who favored the spread of the religion and the external practice of worship by any means. At that time, the only wide road that led from Campania to Lucania, — where Acerenza lay — was the military road, which was built by the Lombards and which road went from one headquarters of theirs to another. The pious party had to follow this great road, and, moving from rest stop to rest stop in its long walk, made a rest stop in the immediate vicinity of Calitri. An important detail of this same tradition is stated to confirm this trip, and this detail is acknowledged in a local place name. It is a slightly vague sign, but nonetheless interesting for anyone who knows how to interpret it. The tradition, then, says that the party of the archbishop Leone stopped in sight of the village, in the Limunti district, placing the urn containing the holy body on a large white rock, while the bells of Calitri were ringing. From then on, that large white rock took the very meaningful name — which it has kept until now — of Pietra di S. Canio [Rock of Saint Canio]. It is a simple name, and yet it encompasses a great deal of historic value! That large rock placed in the open countryside encapsulates a page of local religious history! If it is true that respondent nomina rebus,[the thing answers to its name] any doubt that may arise from the examination of this tradition is eliminated by the testimony of this local place name, which is a historical source.
If one wishes to discover the course of a river, one must go back to the source of that river, and, analogously, it is proper here to go back centuries in order to reconstruct, from historical sources, the figure of Canion, bishop and martyr, that – as a modern Bollandist[8] writes –[9]la legend l’acomplétemente difiguré. Canion, of African nationality, was bishop in a coastal region of that Dark Continent, who in the early centuries, was converted to the Christian religion. This is clear and is taken from history; only the life of the saint bishop and the details of the martyrdom remain wrapped in shadows, above all where it concerns the time in which he lived, the seat of his diocese in Africa, and the year of his martyrdom. We will try to tear away a little of this thick veil. The only source of information on our saint consists of an anonymous hagiography with the title Acta Sancti Canionis, which the strict Bollandist Enschenio, using very negative criticism, has judged «Suspicious, completely mythical, and the fruit of an uncertain and popular tradition.» Almost nothing then, can one accept of what is reported in the Acta Santi Canionis, not even the name of the Episcopal seat which is called Iuliana, because no city of such a name – Enschenio[10] noted – has ever been recorded by the geographers of Africa. The Bollandist focused on a detail reported by a very old ecclesiastical historian, Vittore Vitense[11], who relates that, when by order of Unnerico, [Huneric] king of the Vandals, all the bishops met in Carthage on February 1, 484 to give testimony to the faith professed by them, Pascasius Tulanensis, Pascasio bishop of Tulana was there. The Bollandist focused his investigation on this and concluded that Tulana is precisely the Episcopal seat of Canion; and he adds that «Pascasio could have been the successor of Canion, who was already expelled with his companions in the year 438 or even much later, if that expulsion took place much later.»
Bishop Canion was conducting his ministry in Tulana, when Gaiseric, king of the Vandals, passed through the Iberian peninsula, about 438, to occupy northern Africa; and, being of the Aryan[12] religion, Gaiseric began an implacable persecution against the Christians, above all against the bishops and priests. A very large number of ecclesiastics were persecuted; among these was bishop Canion who, with his other eleven companions, was expelled or fled, in 438 or 439, in order the get away from the unchecked persecution: ex Africa pulsi vel propria sponte exulantes, in Italiam advecti.[13] This is quite credible when one understands that the primary goal of the Ayrian Gaiseric was to pull the Christian religion out by the roots and to eliminate the bishops by killing them or exiling them. Even the Martirologio Romano Piccolo [small roman martyrology] refers, at the time of the vandal persecution, to the expulsion of the indigenous catholic clergy and, under the date of September 1, reports the name of twelve bishops — among whom is Canion — who embarked on a small boat and landed on the beaches of Campania. Here, the twelve ministers spread themselves over the field of action to carry out their ministry, setting up their residence in a city of major importance. And Canion stopped to exercise his mission in Atella, the ancient Oscan city — famous for its performances of plays called Atellane[14] — which rose between the modern cities of campania of Orta d’ Atella and Sant’Arpino. And here he suffered martyrdom on May 25th; and, since, in those years there reigned relative religious peace and freedom of worship, it is to be believed that Canion suffered martyrdom in a local persecution at the hands of fanatic idolaters. Also, the antico calendario ecclestiastico [old ecclesiastical calendar] of Capua — a city very near Atella — recorded his martyrdom as May 25th, with the typical expression of the martyrs Passio erit S. Canionis Episcopi et Martyris; and under the same date is recorded in the very ancient Martirologio Geronimiano, [Heronymian Martyrology] where the name of the city is also given, in which Canion sealed the faith of Christ with his blood: «Et in Campania Atellae Canionis.» The precise year of his martyrdom was left out, but undoubtedly it happened in the second half of the Fifth Century or at the beginning of the sixth century; his effigy — already venerated by the Christians of Atella and by those of the bordering cities — was pictured together with other saints of Capua and of Campania in a mosaic in the Basilica of S. Prisco in Capua with the name cut vertically on the side of the image:
CA NI ON Scholars agree that those mosaics date back to the end of the fifth century or to the beginning of the sixth century, at the time, that is, of the martyrdom of Bishop Canion, and have an inestimable value for the ecclesiastical history of that region. Granata, who had a reproduction made of the precious mosaic images, has left the following description of it: «In three niches are recognized the various Campanian martyrs… in the last are remembered the foreign martyrs…Canion, who was also an African bishop and martyr» [15]There is no doubt, therefore — concludes the Bollandist Delehaye — that the Canion reproduced in the mosaic of Capua was the bishop exiled from Africa in the vandal persecution and was martyred in Atella. And in Atella, the worship of the holy Martyrs was kept alive in the population who handed it down from generation to generation; and still, in the area around the abitato [residential area] of Saint Arpino, there is raised a chapel dedicated the saint that is called precisely Capella di San Canione.[16] It is noted how, here, the name is kept in its original form.[17]
[1] A place that is prominent with respect to the surrounding terrain.
[2] Giustinio Fortunato was born in Rionero in Vulture (PZ) nel 1848, he was an essayist and a politician. He became a deputy in 1880 and a senator in 1909. He died in 11932 in Napoli.
[3] San Fele is an agricultural center situated 864 meters above seal level. Its habitations are protected by two mountains, Mount Torretta (1071 meters) and Mount Castello (937 meters). Its configuration has the form of the letter X. It is one of the most northern villages of the Basilicata region.
[4] TEORA: Teora is located atop a hill 600 meters above sea level, and has a surface area of 23.08 square kilometers, has 750 nuclear families for a total of 2079 inhabitants. The network of roads totals 18 kilometers. The Teorese territory is situated on the right bank of the Ofanto River, along the Via Appia 7 Bis, it is part of the mountain community of the High Irpinia and of the tourist region of Terminio. Teorio is at the edge of the provinces of Avellino, Salerno and Potenza, and borders with Conza of the Campania, Morra de Sanctis, Lioni, and Caposele.
[5] This is the English translation of the phrase Alessandro Manzoni uses to describe a village in his masterpiece “I Promessi Sposi.” [The Betrothed.]
[6] From Chapter XXXVIII line 402 [of the Zanichelli edition]of Manzoni’s novel. Essentially, tradition is helped by interpretation, which by itself says little.
[7] A. De Meo, Annali critico – diplomatici del regno di Napoli della mezzana età, Napoli 1795 –1819, Volume III Page 210 [Critical-diplomatic annals of the Kingdom of Naples in the middle ages, Naples 1795 –1819.]
[8] The Societe des Bollandistes – named after the first editor, Father Jean Bolland – was founded in the mid-1600’s primarily to study and do critical research on the accuracy of the lives of ancient and medieval saints. For the Société des Bollandistes, however, hagiography is not a temporary fashion: it has been a tradition for more than 350 years! It was indeed in 1643 that the first volume of Acta Sanctorum, the prestigious collection of ancient and medieval Lives of saints (68 vol. in-folio), was published. Since then, a small group of hagiographers has been strenuously continuing the work of John Bollandus (+ 1665). Methods may have progressed, as well as knowledge, even the aspect of the books has changed, but the spirit is always the same. It is the spirit of a team of specialists, entirely devoted to hagiographical research.
[9] H. Delehaye, Les origins du culte des Martires, Bruxelles, 1912, page 350.
[10] Goffredo Enschenio, another Bollandist
[11] Vittore Vitense, History of African Persecutions. Vittore was a bishop and lived in the 5th century, his work narrates the events between 429 and 484 A.D. (Colonizing of the Vandals in Africa – death of Unnerico [Huneric].
[12] The religion of the norsemen, with gods and goddesses such as Wotan and Frigga.
[13] T. [thierry]Ruinart, Historia Persecutionis vandalicae, Venetiis, [History of the valdal persecutions, Venice] 1722, page 254.
[14] Atellan tales—farces, named for a village near Rome where they originated: stock characters, e.g. Pappus, foolish old man (cp. commedia dell’arte Pantalone); Maccus, a fool (cp. Plautus’ Peniculus and commedia’s Pulcinella, Punch), etc.
[15] F. Granata, sacred history of the metropolitan church of Capua, Naples, 1766, vol II, page 66 – 68, where the table is reported, outside of the text, with the reproduction of the ancient mosaics.
[16] The name comes from the Gaelic and means “splendid overseer.” The Saint’s day is September 1, in memory of Saint Canione, martyr in Campania, with the saints Elpidio, Vindonio and other companions of the faith. . [Translated from the encyclopedia of the Saints and Blessed, on line.]
[17] To obtain a biographical profile of San Canione, we must refer to the ‘PASSIO S.CANIONIS’ adapted by Ferdinando Ugelli in his work, “ITALIA SACRA” Tome VII Columns. 14-24″. See Appendix.
Chapter 4
The Normans – Roberto il Guiscardo [the cunning] – New political – social e lements in Norman legislation. The cenobio of S. Maria dei Santi. – Gionata of Balvano, first feudatario. – Raone di Balvano, – Calitri in the imperial state property of Federico II.
At the beginning of the Ninth Century, a phalanx of Norman soldiers, led by the sons of Tancredi of Altavilla [Tancred de Hauteville], introduced themselves into the struggles that kept the Mezzogiorno in continual agitation, while helping the population of Puglia rise up against the heavy yoke of the Byzantines in order to reclaim their liberty. This army’s victory increased the honor of Tancredi’s first born son, Guglielmo (1042), who was Count of Puglia. Inside this kingdom, he created the new center of Melfi, from which, then, Roberto il Guiscardo [the cunning][1] waged war by sea and land on his brother-in-law Gisulfo II, prince of Salerno. Il Guiscardo blockaded the port of Salerno while he led a powerful army back up the upper Ofanto valley. In the beginning of May of 1076, Guiscardo occupied Conza with its many castles — among which was Calitri — which constituted the vast gastaldato [Castaldato -administrative district] of the same name. He took it from the hands of Guido himself, the last Lombard count of Conza and, triumphant, he moved towards Salerno (1077).
Using very rapid military action, the Norman domination in the Mezzogiorno was extended and consolidated. The city of Conza was kept, as in the past, as a capitol of a vast contea[2], with civil and criminal jurisdiction over those numerous castles and casali [hamlets] of the valley of the Ofanto River over which the jurisdictional power in the long Lombard period was already exercised. The new state established by the Normans was feudal; but, much later, at the rise of the Monarchy, there was given «sometimes the city with all appurtenances thereto in fee, and other times the oppidi [fortified towns] and the casali were given separately from that city. This caused the dismemberment of the old association that existed between the cities and regions and established a dependency relationship.»[3] In this way, there arose as many Università [4]as there were castelli and borghi [small inhabited centers], and the Administrations of said Communi[5] were provided, because of their own internal needs, with usi civici,[6] and public property.
This, in short, is the new social set up throughout the Mezzogiorno. At the top of the political-social scale, stood the rich, feared, and powerful feudatario [feudal lord] who, within the territory under his jurisdiction, represented the sovereign power, excluding legislative powers. The ecclesiastics and bishops were not included in such an establishment. Instead, the Normans conferred on this clergy greater importance through munificent donations and privileges. This is in addition to confirming the prestige and the authority that the Lombards had indeed already prodigiously lavished on the clergy.. And it was in that free development of such a vast ecclesiastical policy that Saint Guglielmo of Vercelli (1085 – 1142), crossing the many ravines of the High Irpinio, founded in the territory of Calitri, in 1131, the cenobio[7] of Santa Maria dei Santi.[8] It is firmly believed that the feudatario of Calitri took no small part in the founding of that cenobio. The feudatorio, Gionata di Balvano, who, both because of the requirement for his consent for the erection of the cenobio in the territory under his feudal jurisdiction and because he himself —urged on by the sanctity of Guglielmo — had made this concession on his own initiative, was always meddling in its establishment.
During the XII century, Santa Maria dei Santi, which observed the Benedictine rule, was enriched with bequests and privileges, so that, in the following century, it had already reached its maximum splendor. It began, then, to slowly decay, and in the second half of the fifteen hundreds, there was already no mention of the cenobio. In 1690, only the church was standing, as was noted by the Conzan Chronicler: «The archbishopric Mensa[9] of Conza in this land of Calitri possesses many incomes, among which are the abbey, and although in the Conservatorio [Conservatory]of the Archiepiscopate…there are named the Abbeys of Sant’Angelo di Castiglione, San Pietro in Insula, and Santa Maria dei Santi, with all that, only this abbey of Santa Maria delli Santi is still standing, while the other above mentioned benefices[10] are ruined, and, therefore, I did not find the location of said benefices, but only of the church of Santa Maria delli Santi.»[11]
Today, in that remote place that knew the ardor of faith and the observance of the Benedictine rule, everything is silent. Nothing remains of the old abbey, only a rustic little church — rebuilt in later centuries — which still welcomes the faithful who, on the first Sunday of May when the flowers bloom, go on a traditional pilgrimage, as in the long ago 1600’s, when Castellano wrote: «It is a church that is very devout where the neighboring people gather to receive many graces from the Madre Santissima [Most Holy Mother].» In addition to these few bits of information, nothing else is known of the abbey; just as, in the middle of the gloomy darkness that envelopes the life and social companions of our Università during the Norman domination, one does not understand anything else except that, in this feudal fragmentation, Calitri, belonged to Gionata di Balvano. His name and his vast dominion have been handed down by that important Registro [Register] of the feudal service which is Il Catalogo dei Baroni [The Catalogue of the Barons], which was compiled in the spring of 1140 — according to De Petra — during the mobilization ordered by Ruggiero [Roger] II. From that catalogue, it was revealed, precisely, that Gionata di Balvano, Count of Conza, personally possessed and — to use the terminology of the time — in demanium [as his personal property] the fief of Calitri and many others.[12] And since the fiefs were given by the King under vassalage, the Catalogo recorded his military service, which consisted of, on the part of the feudal lord, the supply of a specific number of militi (horsemen) corresponding to the value itself of the fief.
In the mobilization, then, which was ordered by Ruggiero II in the spring of 1140, Gionata di Balvano had to send for the fief of Calitri six militi: a military force that with the doubling was increased to twelve soldiers to which was added another 24 men on foot (servientes). From this specific data one can know the value of our fief and establish its yearly income, if one takes into account that the unit of measure — milite — indicated the earning of twenty once d’oro. [gold once, singular = oncia[13]] Therefore the fief of Calitri, between the end of the eleventh century and the early years of the twelfth century, represented the gross income of 120 once d’oro. Gionata di Balvano continued to possess the fief of Calitri, even after the death of Ruggiero II (26 February 1154), during the reign of Guglielmo I, but because of his rebellious nature, he did not for long hold feelings of fidelity toward the new monarch; he was, rather, among the principal promoters of the insurrection of March 9, 1161, which proposed to throw Guglielmo I, il Malo,[The wicked one.] off the throne. Having failed in the attempt, Gionata was forced to take the road to exile, from which he never returned.[14]
The paucity of historic sources keeps us from knowing anything else about Calitri in this eventful period. It is only understood that, in 1223, Raone di Balvano was its feudal lord, a person who was noted for his great charity toward the poor and his generosity for the works of religion. In fact, in July of 1223, he bequeathed to the monastery of San Salvatore del Goleto – in the vicinity of S. Angelo dei Lombardi – the territory of San Tommaso del Cerrutolo, which, at that time, was included «inside the borders of the land of Calitri.» – as was understood from a Bolla pontificia [papal Bull] of November 11, 1200 – and which now was extended into a large part of the territory of Rapone.
When, then, in 1239 Raone di Balvano died, not having children, he left everything to the Emperor Federico II of Swabia. On the strength of this will, Calitri fell back again to be property of the Imperial Crown, which took care of its administration.[15] Winckelmann, who published the Statuta officiorum of the Swabian kingdom, among the annotations of the imperial castle, which was deprived of feudal lords and administrators by the Court, includes, precisely, that of Calitri; and since the castello was seriously damaged and in urgent need of repair, Federico II, having ascertained with an inquiry that Calitri was pushed into consortium with other nearby Università, he ordered, in 1240, each of these to contribute to the repair of said castle.[16] Whereby, one deduces, easily, the military as well as feudal importance that our castle had, if the necessary repairs for its battle readiness were done as a matter of urgency.
It is useful here to remember that the Angioni [Angevins], from the beginning of their domination, oppressed their people with a continuous imposition of direct and indirect taxes, compulsory loans, gifts, and other extraordinary taxes, which were even more hated because of the greed of the commissioners in charge of the collection. The tax system of the Angioini [Angevins] was based on the colletta [collection] or imposta fondiaria [land tax] — which was called subventio generalis [general subsidy] in the official documents — which the razionali[17]of the Magna Curia [literally: great court of justice]fixed for each fiscal year, taking into account the number of fuochi [hearths] and which was apportioned by province and comune. Calitri, which in times before the Angevin domination paid eight once of colletta, was taxed by Charles I of Anjou in the same measure for the fiscal year 1275-1276: which made it look like our population not only had not increased but found itself in economic conditions that were rather flourishing. The variations to which such taxes were subject can be understood from the cedole di tassazione [records of tax liabilities and payments] of the Cancelleria angione [Angevin Chancellery]. In 1290 – 91, the rate was increased to sixteen once, and, in this measure it remained unchanged until 1308 when, because of the very wretched economic conditions of the population, the King permitted Calitri to be taxed as before, at eight once. This tax remained at this level for more than a century, up until September 1, 1418, when queen Giovanna II reduced the tax to six once.
In addition to the subventio generalis, which was fixed and annual, there were special and extraordinary taxes, which constituted a serious tax burden. Thus, in 1268, when Charles I of Angevin laid siege to Lucera — where the last Swabian resistance had ended up — he obliged each Comune to send a number of soldiers that was proportional to their fuochi [hearths]. To those Terre that were not able or did not want to send men, the king imposed a special tax called de focularibus, [of the hearth] which consisted in paying one Augustale[18] for each fuoco [hearth] or family. Our Comune preferred to send money. The extraordinary tax burden did not stop here. In June of 1276, because of the distribution of the new money, our Comune was forced pay six once, four tarì, and eight grana. On May 15, 1290, Calitri had to pay a supplement of one oncia and eighteen tarì for the enlisting of soldiers that were destined to take care of the maritime places of the Principato against possible landings by the Siculo – Aragonese. Finally, as an extraordinary tax, there is to be considered the fodro,[19]which the king, in the measure of 200 loaves of bread, three salma[20]of barley, fifteen chickens, two sheep, as well as eggs, cheese, etc., during the period of their stay at Lagopesole.[21]
Such Serious taxes, ordinary and extraordinary, constituted a burden so grave that our people never succeeded in satisfying it entirely. Then, the government sent Commissari with full powers, who forced the population, with all their means, to pay their own share. To this deleterious state of royal taxation, were added many other feudal taxes no less excessive and arbitrary, such as the pedaggio [toll], assisa di piazza [excise tax of squares] the prohibitive law of the mills and of the ovens, that constituted one of the most ruthless feudal abuses of the citizenry by limiting their use of the public waters. No less serious was the monopoly on the ovens, with which the citizens were obliged to use only the baronial ovens. The work of oppression and injustice was completed by the rapacity of the millers and bakers, who, with impunity, kept the people from their bread.
In addition to these oppressive taxes and injustices, the long and acrimonious disputes deriving from the still uncertain borders of the fiefs, from the usurpations of the lands, from the legal questions on privacy, commonality, and reciprocity of the usi civici [right of common use of the land] and still others poisoned the life of the population. Protests and complaints flowed to the royal chancellery both from the feudatori and from private citizens. There was an early dispute stemming from the attorneys for Rinaldo di Poncelly, Lord of Pescopagano, who were harassing — indebite et multipliciter [unduly and in various ways]— the administrators of the goods of Giovan Galeotto di Fleury, from whom many animals had been taken. On August 29, 1276, King Carlo I [Charles I] ordered the Giustiziere of the Principato to have the stolen animals restored and ordered that all the other harassment stop. Feelings were so excited and hatreds so deep, that a few months later new and more serious fights arose among the citizens of Calitri and those of Pescopagano. Because of this, the Sovereign wrote, on December 14, 1276, to the Giustiziere ordering that, after having made a diligent and minute analysis of the arguments used by the two contending parties, he accurately advise him of the situation.[22] What is the reason for such contention? Where does the provocation come from? From some of the words of the letter that the King directed to the Giustiziere and from other news of that time, it is proper to guess that the origin of such excesses must be found in the commonality of the usi civici on the Bosco Delle Rose. This commonality will be the bone of contention among the two populations for many years.
Another boundary dispute arose between Giovan Galeotto di Fleury and Riccardo di Bisaccia, who was Lord of Carbonara [Aquilonia, today], to which the sovereign put an end with the measure that he took on February 26, 1278. Still another controversy which kept the inhabitants of Rapone agitated against the cited di Fleury was due to the reciprocity of the usi civici on the pastures, until the sovereign, with the letter of October 28, 1295, gave the right of usi civici to both of them.
[1] The name Guiscard, or Wiscard, was a Norman epithet used to designate an adroit or cunning person. One theory is that it was conferred on a Danish soldier named Tancred Visk Hard, probably for distinguished service in Rollo’s army in the 11th century. He took a fief at St. Lo and married twice into the French nobility, and thereafter he was known as Tancred de Hauteville La Guichard of St. Lo. Another theory is that he was born in Normandy about 955 and died about 1041. He married Fredistina de Normandie who was born about 960 in Normandy.
[2] A territory subject to the jurisdiction of a count [TN: this is where our word “county’ comes from, actually from the French word Contè]
[3] A. Rinaldi, The commune and the Province in the history of Italian law, Potenza, 1881, Page 208.
[4] In the middle ages these were associations of people with a common purpose, this was another name for a commune.
[5] Communi is the plural of Commune. In the period from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries, the commune was a form of government that the cities acquired by purchasing autonomy from the king or emperor. In modern times, it is a local entity comprising a residential center and the surrounding territories, and is administered by a sindaco [mayor] a council and councilpersons.
[6] Uso Civico [singular]: The right of enjoyment that the members of a collective have on the communal lands or on the property of others.
[7] An ecclesiastical community like a monastery.
[8] Cfr. Giovanni Giacomo Giordano, Chronicles of Montevergine, Naples, 1648, page 419.
[9] Mensa [cannon law] earnings due a bishop expressed in goods destined for food and maintenance.
[10] The concession of land from a feudal lord to the subordinate which institutes the relation of vassal.
[11] Archives of the Archbishopric Curia of Conza, Conzan Chronicle, tome II, book III, Chapter 2, discussion 3. It is noted — once and for all — that the above mentioned Conzan Chronicle (unpublished) was «written in the years that started from 1673 and ended in the year 1688 by Donato Antonio Castellano, Vicar General of the archbishop Paolo Caravita (1673 – 81) and Vicar Capitolare in his Vacant Seat (1673-81) and afterwards Vicar General to the Archbishop Gaetano Caracciolo (1682 1709).»
[12] Archives of the State of Napoli, Angione Register 242 sheet 37 and following – The Catalogue of the Barons was published by G. Del Re, Cronisti e Scrittori Sincroni, Naples, 1854, Volume I, Page 571-616, and from other scholars.
[13][oncia] From the middle ages up to the eighteenth century, a coin having different value according to the place and the time it was coined. The gold oncia was about 30 grams.
[14] Cfr. V. Acocella, Il gastaldo e la Contea di Conza,[The gastaldato and the county of Conza] in «Atti della Società storica del Sannio,» [Acts of the historical society of the Sannio{Irpinio}] Benevento, 1928, Fascio I
[15] Huillard –Brèholles, Historia diplomatica friderici II, Paris, volume V, part 2, page 985.
[16] E. Winckelman. Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII, Insbruck, 1880-1885, volume I, page 177.
[17] In the middle ages, these officials administered the patrimony of various Italian states or communes.
[18] Emperor Frederick II issued gold augustale coins at his mints in Messina (Sicily) and Brindisi (southern Italy) using gold from Africa, but the coins had little success.
[19] In the middle ages, the right of the king and lords to be hosted at public expense during their movements, or the payment of a tribute in money.
[20] An ancient unit of liquid or dry measure used especially in Sicily before the adoption of the metric system and which corresponded to about 275 liters. The plural is Salme.
[21] Archives of the State of Naples, Angevin Register 29 Sheet 255; Angevin Register 51, Sheet 147; Angevin Register 10, sheet 121. TN: Lagopesole is in the commune of Avigliano in the province of Potenza.
[22] State Archives in Naples, Angevin Register 9 Sheet 109 t; Angevin Register 29, sheet 207: «Cum essent discordie inter hominess Petri Pagani ex parte una et hominess castri Calitri ex alia exorte, nonulli escessus himinum inde dicuntur esse commissi.»
Chapter 5
Angevin Domination – The fief of Calitri is assigned to Galeotto di Fleury – His son Giovan Galeotto succeeds him: his rapacity against the population – Mattia Gesualdo, new feudatorio – our Università and its tax burdens – Boundary disputes and disputes concerning usi civici[1].
After Carlo I d’Angiò [Charles I of Anjou] was victorious in the battle of Benevento (February 26, 1266), all of the Mezzogiorno fell under the tyranny of the new dynasty, which, if at first it showed itself resolute and helpful, became then weak and susceptible to the will of the feudatori. King Carlo I supervised, at least in the beginning, the vast Norman – Swabian legislation concerning the administration of the state, just as he kept unchanged the political–administrative districts, which were called Giustizierati. In each of these districts, there was appointed a Giustiziere[2], who represented the royal authority, watched over public order, and collected the land tax as well as the other taxes. He was recognized as the legal person [competent authority] in every Comune or Università, over whose administration the Sindaci[3] presided. These people were elected to handle specific matters and were chosen from among the different social classes, in order that they equally protect the interests of the whole population. In Calitri, based on the division of the social classes, two Sindaci were elected, as was observed from a payment made to the royal court, on June 28, 1272, by the Sindaci Granato and Giovannicio de Bari.[4] The Sindaci were assisted by four judges who were elected by catapani[5] and by lesser officials; among these last were included the Mastro-giurato,[6] [master juror] who was appointed as head of the local polizia giudiziaria[7] and commanded the night patrols: on December 14, 1276 one Mastro Riccardo was mastro-giurato.[8] Moreover, no other forms of public and private actions were allowed in the Università that were not subscribed to by the judges, notaries, and witnesses. Thus, we know that in the XI Indizione[9] [indiction] (September 1267 – August 1268 ) one Nicola of Calitri exercised the office of Notary, and that he was still in office in 1274; the judge in 1268-1269 was Addone de Caprignano and he was still there in November of 1274. [10]
Each Università did not have a life and independence of its own. But they were linked to and often suffocated by the intrusions of the feudatorio who ruled there. Feudalism was linked too closely to the monarchy for it to be slowed down in its ambitions and abuses; rather, Carlo I of Angevin, in order to favor those French adventurers who had lent real help to him in the war and in order to have them always be better subjects, redistributed the fiefs. In this new apportionment, Carlo I allotted, on January 1, 1269, Calitri and Castiglione to the French milite (knight = horse soldier) Galeotto di Fleury. At the same time, the Sovereign commanded the Castellano [lord of the manor] to proceed to the delivery of the fief and the castle cum armis et rebus esistentibus in eo [with its weapons and other things in it] to the new Signore[11][lord]. The succession of the feudatori of our Terra picked up again with Galeotto di Fleury. Nothing else is known of him beyond the marriage that he contracted with Tomasa di Saponara; it is only known that he did not live long, and was already dead in August of 1275. He left a son, Giovan Galeotto — who was still a minor — who came into possession of the fief under the protection of a procuratore [a guardian.]
As soon as the minor came of age, Giovan Galeotto was sent by the Sovereign to fight in Sicily to put down the insurrection of March 31, 1282, [The well-known Sicilian Vespers that took place that evening (vespers)] which overthrew a large part of the dreams of glory of Carlo I [Charles I]. Carlo, defeated by the Siculo–Aragonese [People from Aragon Spain living in Sicily] in the gulf of Naples, could not really stand the serious disgrace and the sorrow of knowing the that his first born son was a prisoner of the enemy. He died in August of 1285 and it was only after laborious negotiations under the auspices and according to the arbitrary judgment of the pope that Charles II of Anjou could be freed and could ascend to the throne in 1289. However, he found the tranquility and wellbeing of the kingdom to be drastically changed! Sicily was his nightmare and was the abyss that swallowed the not great treasures of the dynasty and the kingdom. This lead to the extortion of tribute from the Comuni and feudatori; so that, on December 26, 1292, in order to outfit a powerful flotilla, the Sovereign obliged di Fleury to pay ten once d’oro[12] and all other goods necessary to produce a sum equal to the value of the fief. Consequently, mistrust and the exhaustion alienated him and the soul of the feudatori, who began to desert the ranks of the army that was operating on the rebellious island. Among these is to be noted one Giovan Galeotto di Fleury, who, still young, found himself caught up in an unheard of war. In any case, he was obligated to take part in the expedition of June 1299, but, having obtained a short leave, he returned to the castle in Calitri. And when the Sovereign noticed that he was trying to gain time and — as they say «miner il can per l’aia» [to pussyfoot, beat around the bush] — he accorded to him a short deadline, under penalty of confiscation of his lands.
Even after the very clear and final deadline, di Fleury explicitly refused to leave for the theater of operations, and on October 17, 1299 renounced possession of Calitri and of the other fiefs. Shortly after, however, pretending that his soul had become repentant, he asked and obtained permission to leave for Sicily, but in his heart there was already nesting the blackest of betrayals, and it was in that heart that he was preparing this betrayal with cold bloodedness and premeditated wickedness. Before leaving Calitri, he commandeered more predonio [in a pillaging manner], all of the precious objects and whatever else there was of value that the inhabitants possessed and took them to Sicily, where he carried out his plan of giving himself over to the enemy. It was a true spoliation! The meager savings, which had been accumulated over long years and with every kind of sacrifice, were torn from them by force by an arrogant and faithless feudatorio. The inhabitants, deprived of their meager wealth, fell into a most squalid wretchedness that lasted many years. This indigence, in addition to causing the death of many citizens due to malnutrition, lead to serious uprisings that not only degenerated into open conflicts because of the struggle for existence, but pushed others to abandon their own homes and take refuge in the bordering villages. A vivid description of this state of things has reached us in a document from the Angevin Chancery. This document is dated June 22, 1306. I believe it appropriate to report some passages of this document in translation as follows: «…the soldier Galeotto di Fleury, before going to Sicily and traitorously going over to the enemy, took away and had taken away, like a highwayman, almost all the moveable property of the citizens of said Castello [Calitri] and took them with him to Sicily. Thus, the inhabitants of the Castello were deprived of their own goods, and this privation caused discord among the inhabitants themselves or, because of a widespread epidemic, suffered death. Because of said discord, the people dispersed into the adjacent areas and many of them killed each other, so that the same village, because of the above-mentioned causes was hit by serious desolation, and became for all intents and purposes poor and abandoned by almost all the inhabitants… The few survivors were forced to go far away» [13]
Having confiscated the fief because of the betrayal of Fleury, King Carlo II gave it on October 17, 1299 to Raimondo del Balzo, courageous captain and avid supporter of the Monarchy. But Del Balzo must not have remained very satisfied with such a feudal investiture and, soon afterwards, he made various attempts to transfer it or exchange it, without success. Meanwhile, Del Balzo was sent, by order of the King, in the summer of 1300 to reach the body of the expedition, which was operating in Sicily against the Siculo-Aragonese; but he was taken prisoner. When he was freed, he returned to the continent completely shattered because of the substantial sum of money that that it took to be ransomed from captivity, he sold the fief of Calitri to Mattia Gesualdo with an instrument that was drawn up on November 26, 1304.
In this manner, Calitri came under feudal lordship of Mattia Gesualdo, who was from an illustrious and old family and who, for well over three centuries, held sway over many terre [lands] of the upper valley of the Ofanto.[14] The new feudal lord must have quickly understood the misery the population was experiencing following the spoliation they suffered, and, although some years had passed, no help had even come from the central authority. Facing that persistent state of misery and abandonment, Mattia Gesualdo resolved, on June 1, 1306, to go back to the King with a fervent petition asking for at least a reduction of the fiscali [taxes] that were imposed directly. Carlo II d’Angiò granted the Gesualdo’s petition and, on March 20, 1307, ordered the Giustiziere[15]of his Principato Ultra[16] that, for the next fiscal year, they allow the reduction of the taxes that was aiding the state while hurting the people. Consequently, Calitri was no longer taxed for sixteen once d’oro, but for eight, as it once was.
It is useful here to remember that the Angioni [Angevins], from the beginning of their domination, oppressed their people with a continuous imposition of direct and indirect taxes, compulsory loans, gifts, and other extraordinary taxes, which were even more hated because of the greed of the commissioners in charge of the collection. The tax system of the Angioini [Angevins] was based on the colletta [collection] or imposta fondiaria [land tax] — which was called subventio generalis [general subsidy] in the official documents — which the razionali[17]of the Magna Curia [literally: great court of justice]fixed for each fiscal year, taking into account the number of fuochi [hearths] and which was apportioned by province and comune. Calitri, which in times before the Angevin domination paid eight once of colletta, was taxed by Charles I of Anjou in the same measure for the fiscal year 1275-1276: which made it look like our population not only had not increased but found itself in economic conditions that were rather flourishing. The variations to which such taxes were subject can be understood from the cedole di tassazione [records of tax liabilities and payments] of the Cancelleria angione [Angevin Chancellery]. In 1290 – 91, the rate was increased to sixteen once, and, in this measure it remained unchanged until 1308 when, because of the very wretched economic conditions of the population, the King permitted Calitri to be taxed as before, at eight once. This tax remained at this level for more than a century, up until September 1, 1418, when queen Giovanna II reduced the tax to six once.
In addition to the subventio generalis, which was fixed and annual, there were special and extraordinary taxes, which constituted a serious tax burden. Thus, in 1268, when Charles I of Angevin laid siege to Lucera — where the last Swabian resistance had ended up — he obliged each Comune to send a number of soldiers that was proportional to their fuochi [hearths]. To those Terre that were not able or did not want to send men, the king imposed a special tax called de focularibus, [of the hearth] which consisted in paying one Augustale[18] for each fuoco [hearth] or family. Our Comune preferred to send money. The extraordinary tax burden did not stop here. In June of 1276, because of the distribution of the new money, our Comune was forced pay six once, four tarì, and eight grana. On May 15, 1290, Calitri had to pay a supplement of one oncia and eighteen tarì for the enlisting of soldiers that were destined to take care of the maritime places of the Principato against possible landings by the Siculo – Aragonese. Finally, as an extraordinary tax, there is to be considered the fodro,[19]which the king, in the measure of 200 loaves of bread, three salma[20]of barley, fifteen chickens, two sheep, as well as eggs, cheese, etc., during the period of their stay at Lagopesole.[21]
Such Serious taxes, ordinary and extraordinary, constituted a burden so grave that our people never succeeded in satisfying it entirely. Then, the government sent Commissari with full powers, who forced the population, with all their means, to pay their own share. To this deleterious state of royal taxation, were added many other feudal taxes no less excessive and arbitrary, such as the pedaggio [toll], assisa di piazza [excise tax of squares] the prohibitive law of the mills and of the ovens, that constituted one of the most ruthless feudal abuses of the citizenry by limiting their use of the public waters. No less serious was the monopoly on the ovens, with which the citizens were obliged to use only the baronial ovens. The work of oppression and injustice was completed by the rapacity of the millers and bakers, who, with impunity, kept the people from their bread.
In addition to these oppressive taxes and injustices, the long and acrimonious disputes deriving from the still uncertain borders of the fiefs, from the usurpations of the lands, from the legal questions on privacy, commonality, and reciprocity of the usi civici [right of common use of the land] and still others poisoned the life of the population. Protests and complaints flowed to the royal chancellery both from the feudatori and from private citizens. There was an early dispute stemming from the attorneys for Rinaldo di Poncelly, Lord of Pescopagano, who were harassing — indebite et multipliciter [unduly and in various ways]— the administrators of the goods of Giovan Galeotto di Fleury, from whom many animals had been taken. On August 29, 1276, King Carlo I [Charles I] ordered the Giustiziere of the Principato to have the stolen animals restored and ordered that all the other harassment stop. Feelings were so excited and hatreds so deep, that a few months later new and more serious fights arose among the citizens of Calitri and those of Pescopagano. Because of this, the Sovereign wrote, on December 14, 1276, to the Giustiziere ordering that, after having made a diligent and minute analysis of the arguments used by the two contending parties, he accurately advises him of the situation.[22] What is the reason for such contention? Where does the provocation come from? From some of the words of the letter that the King directed to the Giustiziere and from other news of that time, it is proper to guess that the origin of such excesses must be found in the commonality of the usi civici on the Bosco Delle Rose. This commonality will be the bone of contention among the two populations for many years. Another boundary dispute arose between Giovan Galeotto di Fleury and Riccardo di Bisaccia, who was Lord of Carbonara [Aquilonia, today], to which the sovereign put an end with the measure that he took on February 26, 1278. Still another controversy which kept the inhabitants of Rapone agitated against the cited di Fleury was due to the reciprocity of the usi civici on the pastures, until the sovereign, with the letter of October 28, 1295, gave the right of usi civici to both of them.
[1] The plural of uso civico, which is the right of enjoyment that the members of a collective have on communal lands or the property of others.
[2] In Campania, during the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, a functionary who was at the head of one of the administrative subdivisions of the territory.
[3] In antiquity and during the middle ages, the person who represented the community, especially in legal disputes. In modern times, Sindaco means mayor. Sindaci is the plural of sindaco.
[4] State Archives in Naples, Angevin Register 21, Sheet 249.
[5] In the Middle Ages, a Norman Administrative functionary. The word comes from the medieval latin catapānu(m), from the Byzantine greek . katepánō . “superintendent”.
[6] Il Mastro giurato [master juror] oversaw public order and nighttime safety of the Borgo; he had the job of taking care of the city at night and carrying on him the keys to the gates of the city.. For this job, he was provided with armed personnel with whom the night watch or night patrol was accomplished. In addition to the night patrols, he provided sentries that were placed in the tallest bell towers of the city.
[7] The polizia giudiziaria, in modern times is the aggregate of forces (carabinieri, polizia di stato [state police] guardia di finanza [tax police] and prison guards) that are at the disposition of the judicial authorities, who are charged with getting notice of a crime, seeing to it that there are no further consequences, taking care of the evidence, and seeking out the guilty. It was approximately the same in the middle ages, but there were not the aggregate of forces.
[8] State Archives in Naples Angevin Register54 sheet 40
[9] In ancient Rome, a period of fifteen years that was used for tax reassessments, in the Middle ages, a fifteen year cycle used as reference in the recording of public and private events.
[10]State Archives in Naples, Angevin Register21sheet 221
[11]State Archives in Naples, Angevin Register 4, Sheet 24 and 103. The Lands of Calitri and Castiglione were constituted as one single feud at this time
[12] The Sicilian Once— The once is a gold coin which is worth 30 tarì and 600 grana. Sicilian gold ounce divided into 30 tarì or tareni of 20 grana [granis] each
Once [Florin] Tarì Grana
1 5 30 600
1 6 120
1 20
This is a small coin, which was already in used in ancient times. In the middle ages, the oncia d’oro remained in use as moneta di conto [money of account, legal tender] especially in Sicily, with it being equivalent to 30 tarì and as such was subject to the variations produced by the change in the relationship of gold to silver.
[13] Archives of the State of Naples, Angevin Register 151 Sheet 42
[14] Archives of the State of Naples, Angevin Register 105, Sheet 26 and 114; Angevin Register 144, sheets 33-34. Cfr. S. Ammirato, About the Noble Neapolitan families, Florence, 1651, Part II, Page 1-3
[15] During the Kingdom of the two Sicilies, this was a functionary at the head of the administrative subdivisions of the territory.
[16] The Campagna was divided into Napoli = Napoli (NA) Terra di Lavoro = Caserta (CE) Principato Citra = Salerno (SA). Note: Citra (or, Citeriore) meant “nearer to”, as opposed to “farther away from”, the City of Naples, the capital city of the Kingdom of Naples. “Principato Citra” may be translated as the Nearer Principality (or, Prince-dom, as opposed to Kingdom). Principato Ultra = Benevento (BN) and Avellino (AV). Note: Ultra (or, Ulteriore) meant “farther away from”, as opposed to “nearer to”, the City of Naples, the capital city of the Kingdom of Naples. “Principato Ultra” may be translated as the Farther (Away) Principality (or, Prince-dom).
[17] In the middle ages, these officials administered the patrimony of various Italian states or communes.
[18] Emperor Frederick II issued gold augustale coins at his mints in Messina (Sicily) and Brindisi (southern Italy) using gold from Africa, but the coins had little success.
[19] In the middle ages, the right of the king and lords to be hosted at public expense during their movements, or the payment of a tribute in money.
[20] An ancient unit of liquid or dry measure used especially in Sicily before the adoption of the metric system and which corresponded to about 275 liters. The plural is Salme.
[21] Archives of the State of Naples, Angevin Register 29 Sheet 255; Angevin Register 51, Sheet 147; Angevin Register 10, sheet 121. TN: Lagopesole is in the commune of Avigliano in the province of Potenza.
[22] State Archives in Naples, Angevin Register 9 Sheet 109 t; Angevin Register 29, sheet 207: «Cum essent discordie inter hominess Petri Pagani ex parte una et hominess castri Calitri ex alia exorte, nonulli escessus himinum inde dicuntur esse commissi.»
Chapter 7
Luigi III Gesualdo and his inconstant political conduct. – Confiscation of the fief – Feudal income – Political struggles and events. – Calitri, assigned to Troiano Caracciolo. – Restoration of the fief to Luigi Gesualdo.
Upon the death of Sansone Gesualdo — which took place after 1427 — his first-born son, Luigi[1], succeeded him, and, in conformity with such a name, was a very active and very shrewd young man. During the period of competition between the two great parties, he always remained faithful to Alonzo of Aragon and supported him up until his complete triumph (June, 12 1442), which signaled a new era for a Kingdom that had been in turmoil and pauperized for a long time because of the dynastic wars. Moreover, the King, in addition to upholding Luigi Gesualdo’s possession of the fief of Calitri, invited him also to take part in the Parliament held in Naples on February 28, 1443 and to participate in the joust that he gave, in the same city, on April 19, 1452, in order to celebrate the birth of his second born, Federico.
Although Alfonso I died on June 27, 1458, Gesualdo retained the solid trust of Alfonso’s successor, Ferrante I, and, to show his loyalty, offered his help in the struggle that the King endured in 1459 to put down the insurrection in Puglia that was provoked by Giovanni Antonio Orsini, prince of Taranto. Before he returned, the King, moving with his whole army from the plain of Puglia, preferred to go back up into the mountains of the upper Irpinia, where he encamped in the Mallian forest, near Lacedonia, from May 18 to June 29 1459; and from here the King thought to moving camp to Calitri and communicated this: «… we are thinking about going personally, which for this reason cray [tomorrow], with God as our guide, we will depart from here and we will turn our flags to this road, and make camp tomorrow near Calitri.»[2] But, for unexpected military reasons, the King was not able to bring the encampment to Calitri the following day, but he stopped at the Conza-Andretta camp from the 5th to the 7th of July, and only on the 13th of July he was «in nostris felicibus castris apud Calitrum.»[3][in our happy camp near Calitri].
The first Plot of the Barons having broken out the following year (1460), Luigi Gesualdo continued to maintain his allegiance to King Ferrante, until — when the break of the royal army at the mouth of the Sarno took place on June 7, 1460, he was «almost forced», to turn to the other side. But, the peace between the King and the barons (1462) was concluded soon afterwards, and Gesualdo returned to the trust and the graces of the Sovereign, to whom, «he was always devoted.» — as Ammirato said — until, old and honored, he died in the early part of 1471. And his first born, Sansone, having predeceased him, he made Nicolò, son of Sansone, heir to all his fiefs. With the Privilegio [charter] of March 30, 1471 he obtained the investiture of Calitri and of the other ancestral fiefs. For his proved kindness and his grace of manner, Nicolò III Gesualdo was one of the six Principal Lords of the kingdom chosen to accompany Alfonso, Duke of Calabria to Catalgona [Catalonis, Spain], who went to find the second wife of Ferrante I. (June 1477).
The new lord of Calitri, Nicolò III Gesualdo lived a few more years and died — without leaving children — in the first months of 1480. His brother Luigi, the third with such a name, inherited his fiefs and other goods. Luigi had a passionate spirit and a lively intellect, and he found himself forced into the dangers of a war of insurrection that his brother-in-law Antonello Sanseverino was behind completely. At first he did not allow himself to be taken in by the rebels and he kept faith with the sovereign; however, when Ferranti I of Aragon died on January 25, 1494, Alfonso II ascended to the throne. Luigi III Gesualdo then changed his tune, participated in a plot, and was among the principal leaders. King Alfonso II, wanting to nip the insurrection in the bud, had the plotters arrested on May 30, 1494. Among these plotters were Luigi Gesualdo, his sons, and his brother, and Alfonso II deprived him of the title of count and the possession of the fiefs.[4] Because of this confiscation, using Giovanni Ungaro, the razionale[5] of the Regia Camera della Sommaria,[6] the king arranged for detailed inventory of the of the country and urban lands, as well as in inventory the objects, weapons and whatever else may be found at the castle. The original of this inventory has reached us and is a precious historical document. [7]
At the same time, the king ordered Nicolò Tozzi to verify and evaluate the earnings — levamentum introytuum — from which most of the fief’s income came. From the above cited document we know that, in 1494, our fief had the substantial annual income of 947 once, 3 tarì, and 11 grana on the following bodies: bagliva,[administration] three hundred seventy once; colletta [land tax], owed by the Università, fifty two once; bosco di Castiglione, [the Castiglione forest] twenty six once; pedaggio [tolls]for the bridge of the Taverna, one oncia, fida[8] for Castiglione, two hundred forty eight once and eleven grana; rent for the two mills, one hundred twenty once and other minor assets. From the above mentioned lavamentum introytuum, it can be seen that also our Terra, at that time, was inhabited by 220 fuochi or families, which is a total of 1320 souls.
In addition to the confiscation of the feudal goods, on June 19, 1494, the King ordered that serious and rigorous legal action be taken against the plotters. Because he was so severe, Alfonso II managed all by himself to attract greater hatred and he saw the ruin of his house and of the kingdom at the approach of Charles VIII, king of France, who descended into Southern Italy under the specious pretext of avenging the ancestral heritage of the Angevins. King Alfonso II abdicated on January 24, 1495 in favor of his young son, Ferrante, in the hope that the above-mentioned people will stay faithful to the new sovereign. However, Ferrante saw no hope of fidelity or aid around him, no voice of comfort came to him from the nobles and the old Pontano[9] was disturbed. In these worrisome circumstances, the King had Luigi Gesualdo let out of jail, who, emboldened by the events, aligned himself openly with Charles VIII, when he entered into Naples conquering, — as they then said — a kingdom «col gesso.»[10] [with chalk in his hand].
What happened with Calitri during the brief French domination? Nothing in particular is known, but everything leads one to believe that our Terra did not suffer any damage, protected as it was by Luigi Gesualdo, who had adhered to the French party. However, the domination of Charles VIII was very short. In his kingdom, which was very insecure, the people rebelled continually at the imposition of new bosses and the neglected nobility became hostile. Consequently, Charles VIII hurried with his army to regain the road to the Alps. And when on July 6, 1495, King Ferranti II reentered Naples with acclamation, the house of Gesualdo, in the tumult of that entrance, was sacked by the people who rose against the French and their supporters. But Luigi Gesualdo, with insolence all his own, turned to the side of Ferrante II, soliciting his pardon; and the Soverign, who followed a policy of conciliation, in addition to pardoning him, conferred possession of his goods on him on September 21, 1496. Ferrante II did not live long and, at his death (October 7, 1496), he was succeeded by his uncle Federico who continued the struggle against the barons, who were still rebels, using some of the military forces of the gran Capitano, Consalvo di Cordova. Luigi Gesualdo, who never stopped nourishing the spirit of rebellion, united himself both with his brother-in-law, Antonello Sanseverino and with the count of Lauria, who, toward the end of September 1497, had fortified himself in a well-equipped castle of Diano (today Teggiano) along with the other plotters. The rebellious and aggressive attitude of the insurgents led the king to bring the war to them. At the approach of the royal troops, Luigi Gesualdo let the king know that he «was desirous to go with God and leave all of his state and fortresses and lands…» on the condition that he was guaranteed the safety of his person and that of his children. The King gave him, on October 25, 1497, a «safe conduct so that he can go where he pleases with his children, family, servants and things of whatever nature.»[11] With the exile of Gesualdo, Calitri fell back into the patrimony of the Crown, and, on October 31, 1497, the Soverign named Gulio Sebastiano, of Amalfi, the commissioner, and collector of all the feudal earnings.
Meanwhile, King Federico had laid siege to the castle of Diano, where the Count of Lauria and Antonello Sanseverino still resisted. It was a very long siege. To provision the besieging army, the King ordered the castle at Calitri on November 17, 1497 to send quickly the grain warehoused there: «In this Castle of Calitri there are 1700 thumini [tomoli (55.5 liters)] of our grain, which we want brought to Cayano to be at the disposition of Troiano Caracciolo our very excellent Mastro de Campo [Camp master], and we want and command you send this quantity of grain without delay.»[12] After the conquest of Diano, the sovereign — in order to compensate Troiano Caracciolo for services rendered — gave to him, on December 29, 1498, the Terra of Calitri and the other fiefs that he confiscated from Gesualdo.[13] And Troiano Caracciolo held our fief until 1501 when, during the occupation of the kingdom by the Spanish and the French, having participated actively for these last, was deprived of it by King Federico of Aragon. He then, assailed by French troops and by Spanish troops commanded by the Gran Capitano in the service of Ferdinand the Catholic, saw himself forced to surrender to Luigi XII against the Spanish, who had betrayed him (September 1501); but, soon afterwards, the Duke of Nemour, who Luigi XII had named Viceroy, was beaten and killed at Cerignola (April 25, 1503), and the Spanish entered victorious in Naples on May 21, 1503. After not even a month, and that is June 14, the Spanish government with a public announcement, offered the fief of Calitri to the highest bidder, which fief had devolved to the crown. And when, then, on February 29, 1504, the Sovereign awarded to Consalvo di Cordova, for the great services rendered, the substantial earnings of ten thousand ducats to be taxed on the confiscated lands, the Gran Capitano, with the petition of April 2, 1504, chose «the terra of Calitri with its castle.»[14]
In the peace of 1505, which was drawn up between France and Spain and which closes the first part of the bitter struggle between the two monarchies, Luigi XII of France not only acquired a general amnesty for the barons who remained faithful to him, but also the goods confiscated from them were restored. Therefore, on the strength of such Capitolazioni,[capitulation] Luigi Gesualdo was able to return from exile and enter into possession of Calitri and of the other fiefs (May 7, 1506). However, in practice, the restoration of the fief was anything but easy, given that, in the meantime, the goods of the rebel Gesualdo had been assigned to others, who could not be deprived of them without adequate recompense. The negotiations were long and laborious, and only in 1507 was an agreement reached, on the strength of which the Gran Capitano obtained five hundred twenty seven ducats in exchange for the fief of Calitri.
Nothing else is known about Luigi III Gesualdo, who, in the middle of the acerbity of the political and dynastic agitations, did not have the balance and wisdom that the special conditions of the moment required. He died in Conza on November 14, 1517, leaving his first-born son Fabrizio heir to his estate.
[1] Luigi is a form of Louis, which means “Famous Warrior.”
[2] Cfr. D. Giampetro, Un registro aragonese nella Biblioteca Nazionale di Parigi, in «Archivo Storico Napoletano»[An aragonese record in the National Library of Paris in the “Neapolitan Historical Archive”], 1884, page 276, note 2 and page 277.
[3] A Messer, Le codice aragonese, Paris, 1912, page 245-262
[4] Notar Giacomo, Cronica di Napoli [Neapolitan Chronicles](Garzilli Publisher) Napoli, 1845, Pages 180 and 182
[5] In the middle ages, an official who administered the patrimony of various Italian states or commune.
[6] The supreme administrative chamber of the Neapolitan Kingdom.
[7] Archives of the state of Naples, Atti di rilievi, Volume 322, sheets 60-93
[8] This was a tax that in the feudal age was paid as compensation for the reduction to cultivation of lands originally given to pasture.
[9] Giovanni Pontano (1429 – 1503) Humanist and poet who was in the service of Alfonso of Aragon
[10] “With chalk in hand,” “col gesso.” This is one of the bon mots of Alexander VI, and refers to the ease with which Charles VIII seized Italy, implying that it was only necessary for him to send his quartermasters to chalk up the billets for his soldiers to conquer the country.
[11] Archives of the state of Naples, Collaterale Curiae, Volume IV, sheets 30t – 32.
[12] State archives in Naples, Collaterale Curiae, Volume IV Sheet 53t
[13] State archives in Naples, Collaterale Comune, Volume XIII, sheets, 142-143
[14] Cfr. Correspondence de los Reyes catolicos con el Gran Capitano durante los campagnas de Italia, in «Revista di Archivos, bibliotecas y museos» Madrid, 1911, I Sem Pag. 565.